Salaam - April 2012
Friday, April 20, 2012
THE
IMPERATIVE FOR CROSS BORDER COMMUNITY BUILDING
Thomas
V Kunnunkal SJ
1. As we look at the world today, there are
so many good reasons which make us feel happy about the tremendous progress
that the human race has made during its long history. There has been a quantum
jump in this journey of progress in the recent decades. How did this
astonishing human progress take place? Even a cursory survey of human history
would reveal the startling reality that the numerous inventions, events and
progress steps that took humanity forward came as a result of contributions from many. An individual
may have worked over a long period of time and made a discovery, but he/she was
backed by a team of close collaborators. No culture group, or a religion or
even a whole nation can claim that the progress that it has made and the status
it has achieved are due to the efforts of any one exclusive group, based on
religion, ethnicity or any other factor. Rather, it was the result of numerous
inter-cultural and inter-ethnic contributions over a long period of history.
For an example, we see this demonstrated so vividly in the long history of
Europe or in the much shorter history of America. The bottom line: we need collaboration and mutual support to
make greater progress.
2. As true as this good feeling is also the
bad feeling when we see that, in a world of abundance, so many humans
experience hunger, disease, hatred, fear and the threat of violence etc. In
spite of the tremendously high levels of accomplishments, in various sectors of
life, our human behaviour with others so often and so closely mirrors what we
see on the TV screen about the Animal Planet. Strange but true!
3. As a nation, India too has had such a long
history of evolution. None of us would reasonably claim that the present status
and accomplishments of India have come from any single religion or ethnic or
cultural group or region. On the contrary, we would readily accept that it is
the result of the numerous and significant contributions of a very large number
of culture groups. It is the strength of India, as also of other large
countries, that we are multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural. India is the home of several world religions.
This is our strength.
4. Every religion, culture or region wants to
preserve its identity. This is indeed their right. But in the current contexts,
wide open spaces have emerged in the modern world of today, spaces created by
reason and by scientific research no less than by the inner search and
spiritual quest that many seriously engage in, to find answers to the question:
who am I? and who are we humans? As a result of this search, we see that religion
and science, at odds earlier, are beginning to engage in a process of dialogue.
Today, Science and Spirituality, Physics and Metaphysics, Religion and Reason
are seen as bipolar realities of a dialectic that seeks a new synthesis. We
surely need borders and identities. But when we push those borders and
identities too hard and are not willing to cross and go beyond those borders,
we become less and less human. It is heartening to witness the several
movements that are currently searching for new answers for our times so that
religion continues to hold meaning for today’s life and living, especially for
today’s educated young, many of whom have professional training and updated
competences and want to base their faith
and meaning structure with support from reason.
5. Therefore, in our modern world of today,
to be religious is to be also inter-religious;
to be cultural is to be also inter-cultural;
and to be human is to be inter-human. “In the name of God” so many
horrendous atrocities have been committed, not only in the past, but continue
to be done in today’s world as well. That is why, modern man’s behavior
continues to mirror the behavior patterns of the Animal Planet, with this
difference that we use very sophisticated weapons that we have developed to
destroy others. It is in that context that every religion needs to engage in a
critical and scientific evaluation of its own current practices, prescriptions
and actions to see if these humanize or dehumanize persons and communities and
take appropriate steps to bring about needed reform, where we find we are
becoming less and less free, less and less human or more and more exclusive.
Similarly, each religious community needs to engage in the study of other
religions, in order to understand its basic ethos and perspectives and
appreciate these, as a necessary step to be a good citizen of today’s world.
Such study will help remove several of the myths, prejudices and stereotypes we
often nurture about persons of other faiths and traditions. In our present day
work places, whether in business or industry or in many service institutions,
like a school, college or hospital, we will often encounter work-mates,
class-mates and staff-mates from different cultures and religions. Developing
the ability to engage in warm and friendly interaction and enter into synergistic alliances between the
members of these groups and the ability to thus function well in that mixed
group are crucial competences or life skills needed for personal growth and for
one’s own promotion as well as for the proper functioning of the institution or
business.
6. Therefore, the obvious agenda for the human family and in fact, the most urgent agenda, is to engage in
Cross Border Community Building (CBCB), namely build human communities across those borders that presently divide us
and which make us less and less human. There is no salvation (wellness) for our world except in and through community. Knowledge
and technology alone will not save us. We need to humanize ourselves. We become
more human and humane when we find a
place in our hearts for the other, especially for those who are from other
religious or cultural traditions or social conditions and thus become truly
sons and daughters of our inclusive God, our common Father, who holds all whom He has brought into life as
persons precious to Him.
Christian-Muslim
Relations: Learning from the past and building the future
Victor
Edwin SJ
INTRODUCTION
The
Islamic Studies Association (India) and Saint Francis Xavier Movement (Italy)
jointly organized a one-day international seminar on Christian-Muslim relations
on the theme: “Transforming Prejudices into Acceptance and Understanding
Christian-Muslim Relations in India” in Delhi on 2 January 2012. The Seminar
brought together practitioners of interreligious dialogue from India and
Italy. It explored the challenges in
Christian-Muslim relationships in India, in the context of the four-fold
dialogue strategies: Dialogue of Life
where believers from different religions living as neighbors, share each
other's joys and sorrows; Dialogue of
Deeds where believers from different religions cooperate for the common
good in accord with shared values; Dialogue
of Theological Exchange where believers from different religions seek to
understand each other’s religious heritage and Dialogue of Religious Experience where believers from different
religions share their spiritual riches, the fruits of their contemplation and
prayer.
Fr Thomas V Kunnunkal SJ (President,
Islamic Studies Association) and Prof Leo Fernando (Professor of Church History
at Vidyajyoti College of Theology, Delhi and a representative of Saint Francis
Xavier Movement in India) along with Prof Ambrogio Bongiovanni (President, Saint Francis Xavier Movement) were the key persons in organization
and execution of this seminar. Prof George Gispert-Sauch SJ and Fr Thomas V
Kunnunkal SJ moderated the sessions. This account presents briefly: first, the
rationale behind this seminar; second, a summary report on the presentations
and discussion that occurred during the seminar, and third, the fruits that
were gathered on that day. Thanks both
to Kunnunkal and Gispert-Sauch for their assistance in making this report.
RATIONALE
India
is a home of different religions, cultures, languages, traditions and ways of
life. These cultural and religious traditions are woven together in such a way
that, while every culture and religion keeps its uniqueness, it also gets
genuinely related to the others. As a result the Indian landscape presents a
rich mosaic of life styles of varied colours and patterns. Christianity and
Islam, the two major religions that emerged from the West Asian soil, found
their home in India. Christians and Muslims have contributed in a large measure
to India in the fields of education, health, art, architecture, music,
painting, administration, and literature, and in this way they helped to
develop a new way of being Indian. They enhance the beauty of India as a pluralistic
society. In short, unity in diversity defines India.
How do
Christians and Muslims relate with each other in India? There are references
regarding harmonious relations between them in the early Christian-Muslim
history. However, the Jesuits’ debate with Muslim theologians and lawyers in the
Mughal court (from February,1580) and later Protestant missionary Karl Gottlieb Pfander’s debate (1803–1865) with an Indian Muslim
theologian, Rahmatullâh Ibn Khalîl al-'Uthmânî al-Kairânawî (1818-1891),
impacted Christian-Muslim relations adversely. Both Christian and Muslim
debaters wanted to establish the truth of their own religions, as they tried to
undermine the faith of the other.
Scholars like Christine Schirrmacher pointed out that these debates
deepened prejudices and mutual suspicion of one another.
These negative
experiences continue to affect Christian-Muslim relationships even in the
present times. Hence, Christians and Muslims need to ask themselves how to
build up relationships afresh for the present times. They will fail in this venture if they allow the burden of the past to
weigh upon them. One way of overcoming misunderstanding and ignorance is to reach out to the other.
Every
year the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue reaches out to Muslims
wishing them on the occasion of Eid-el-Fitr. In India, the Islamic Studies Association (ISA), founded at a Consultation called
by the Dialogue Commission of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India in
March 1979, reaches out to Muslims by establishing contacts with Muslims
through its quarterly Salaam and through its bi-annual conventions. The
members of ISA especially Fathers Christian W Troll SJ, Paul Jackson SJ, Desiderio Pinto SJ and
Pushpa Anbu SVD through their writings and teaching of Islam and
Christian-Muslim relations in many Catholic seminaries help Christians to
understand Muslims and their faith better in the light of the teachings of
Vatican II. The focus is on reaching out to Muslims.
In
November 2004 His Majesty King Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein of Jordan launched
the Amman Message to clarify to the world what true Islam is. The Message
denounced violence that is propagated in the name of Islam. Following the Amman
Message, in July 2005, His Majesty King Abdullah II once again issued another
document called the Amman Interfaith Message intending to establish full
acceptance and good will between Jews, Christians and Muslims. These two documents were endorsed by a large
number of Muslim scholars and Muslim theological Institutions. Following these
important historical developments, on October 13, 2007, 138 Muslim leaders
signed and sent to 28 Christian leaders including the Pope a document entitled A Common Word Between Us and You,
inviting both Christians and Muslims for dialogue and to work for peace in the
world.
These
recent positive exchanges and efforts for ‘reaching out to the other’ are a
welcome sign. These individuals and groups of Christians and Muslims as well as
a number of official bodies of these two groups of believers shun polemics and
strive to find new ways to understand and respect one another and so to build a
peaceful future. Their exchanges while scholarly are made with sympathy, respect,
and understanding. Both draw from the very sources of their faith as well as
from the lessons learnt from past history.
Rooted in their particular religious traditions, they are also open to
new challenges and opportunities that arise both locally and globally. Any
serious theological reflection on Christian Muslim relations therefore needs to
be attentive to the past history as well as the present ‘glocal’ situations (global and local). Hence the papers of the
seminar dealt with Christian Muslim relations in India and also in Europe
especially in Italy and Germany, where the members connected with Saint Francis
Xavier Movement, the co-organizers of this seminar, are active in improving
Christian Muslim relations.
PRESENTATIONS AND DISCUSSION
Rev.
Dr Packiam Samuel (Director, Centre for
Study of Religion and Cultures, New Delhi) in his inaugural address briefly
presented the history of relationships between Christians and Muslims over the
centuries. In his overview, he emphasized the contexts of perceptions and
attitudes and presented a historical insight into Christian-Muslim
relations. He suggested that,
in our times, we need to work towards acceptance, understanding and
appreciation of each other’s religions. He approached the subject sensitively
as a theologian and practitioner of dialogue. Following his lecture, a book
titled “Windows on Dialogue” was released by Dr Samuel. Dr Theresa, one of the
members of Saint Francis Xavier Movement received the first copy. This was
followed by presentation of papers.
Prof Desiderio Pinto in his scholarly paper, Muslim and Sufi Contributions to
the Indian Cultural Heritage, made clear that dialogue has been taking place between Islam and Hinduism
for centuries at almost all the levels of Muslim life in India: literature,
poetry, music, mysticism, theology, revelation, festivals, magic, politics, and
social stratification. And Indian Islam
at one time or another and for one reason or another adopted many Hindu customs
and practices, and also beliefs.
However, he said that Indian
Islam have always kept more or less in contact with the centers of the Islamic
world, Mecca and Medina, through its ulema
(the keepers and teaches of Islamic law and doctrine) and also through the Haj. He further said that this together with the
attention Indian Muslims give to the Quran and Hadith, have resulted from time to time in reform movements that
have tried to restore the Islamic faith to its pure form among Muslims in
India. Even though these efforts have
not been completely successful, they carry on together with new movements
constantly emerging, this work with renewed energy and zeal. Further, Muslims are acutely aware that they
are imperfect Muslims, far from the ideal model community that God created for
all peoples when he revealed his Qur’an through the prophet Muhammad, and they
all agree that this model community that existed at the time of Muhammad is
something they must all strive for, if not in fact because they are too weak,
then at least, in word and desire: the ummah
is not just past history but also the future towards which all humanity cannot
but be drawn. The emphasis is not on
integration with other faiths (though amity with other religions is also
important), but on keeping the contract mentioned in the Quran (9/10), a
personal contract with God that each Muslim must make at least when he or she
reaches the age of reason. The Muslim
sells himself to God as a slave in exchange for paradise, and then lives out
this contract by following the Quran, the Hadith
or sunnah, and the sharia, whatever the cost to his life
and possessions. If he cannot live out
the contract in all its aspects in practical life, then he must at least say
that he should and must try to live thus.
His presentation brought out the delicate balance, which Indian Muslims
maintain, between their spiritual legacy, built around the Qur’an and the Hadith, and their centuries-long
fruitful interaction with their Hindu neighbors. When Muslim faith came in contact with Indian
world-view, it resulted in a composite culture. This composite culture
expressed itself in many forms of art and in life styles, and remains a crucial
element that supports the secular foundations of the modern Indian State. This
composite culture is not a recipe for Muslims to compromise on their faith.
Rather they remain committed to the core call of Islam, to submit oneself to
God in the path of the Qur’an and of the Hadith.
In other words they find themselves both authentically Indians and genuinely
Muslims. We will quickly note two important points: first, that on the face of
right wing Hindu nationalism, this Hindu-Muslim cultural interaction and its
fruit, the composite culture, should be preserved and strengthened in order to
preserve and strengthen the secular foundations of modern India and build a
peaceful nation; second, the West can learn a few lessons from this Indian
experience of multi-cultural pro-existence as they are increasingly becoming
multi-religious and multi-cultural.
Dr Farida Khanam in
her paper A Reflection on
Muslim-Christian Dialogue in India according to the Views of Prof Christian W
Troll and Maulana Wahiduddin Khan made a brief reference to the Catholic
Church’s efforts in Christian-Muslim dialogue with reference to Prof Troll. She
made a clear presentation on Maulana Khan’s understanding of dialogue. Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (b.1925)
is considered to be one of the significant contemporary Muslim religious
thinkers from the Indian subcontinent. His writings have been attracting a
considerable body of readership. His religious thinking is also
exerting some influence on the thinking of many Muslims in India and
elsewhere. His al-Risala Movement was established in 1970 to
propagate the ideals of Islam in a peaceful way. Its publications are
attracting the attention not only of Muslims but also of non-Muslims.
Maulana Khan’s
understanding of religion - ‘din’ - is central to his
religious thinking. He explains that Islam has come to convey the proper
understanding of the link between God and humanity. Man and woman are servants
of God and consequently fear and love should mark their relationship with God.
Islam prepares them for the last day the Day of Judgment. According
to Maulana Khan, this understanding is the essence of Islam. He
points out that the political discourse about the establishment of the Islamic
State based on Qur’anic injunctions does not form the central message of Islam.
Dr Khannam is the daughter of Maulana Khan. It was very enriching for the
participants to listen to Dr Khannam as she explained the religious thinking of
her father.
However, it must be
mentioned that the paper did not attempt to make these two thinkers (Maulana
Khan and Professor Troll) interact with each other. One of the crucial
questions should be: where do these thinkers base their arguments for religious
freedom? How do they approach the issue of conversion: changing one’s faith
according to one’s convictions? It is common knowledge that freedom of religion
is one of the burning issues that confronts the modern world in many regions of
Asia and Africa. In that context, it should be mentioned that the recent
Al-Azhar Bill of Rights, Al-Azhar, Egypt’s
premier Islamic institution, issued a document on basic freedoms on 11 January
2012 to serve as a reference for Egypt’s new constitution. The document lists
freedom of belief, opinion, expression, scientific research, and art and
literary creativity as basic rights for all citizens that should be respected
using Islamic references and traditions to back up those values. These two
documents are excellent and pave the way for mutual understanding and building
up a modern State on solid foundation of human rights.
A Jesuit scholar, in a personal email to the author of this report, mentioned: “BUT... Islam cannot open the door to freedom of faith and religion without betraying itself and putting into question the vital issue of conversions which is a cornerstone of orthodox Islam. My feeling is that by ‘freedom of religion’ they intend ‘freedom of worship’ and they play upon this ambiguity.” All these indicate that there should be a lively on-going dialogue on these crucial questions to deepen the understanding between Christians and Muslims.
A Jesuit scholar, in a personal email to the author of this report, mentioned: “BUT... Islam cannot open the door to freedom of faith and religion without betraying itself and putting into question the vital issue of conversions which is a cornerstone of orthodox Islam. My feeling is that by ‘freedom of religion’ they intend ‘freedom of worship’ and they play upon this ambiguity.” All these indicate that there should be a lively on-going dialogue on these crucial questions to deepen the understanding between Christians and Muslims.
Ahmet
Favad made a presentation on Gülen Movement and Christian-Muslim
relations. He said that this movement is
an apolitical cultural movement that regards the issue of ignorance, poverty and disunity as three
major enemies of mankind and it offers education, poverty relief and
humanitarian aid, charity and dialogue, as remedies to these social ills. It
would be worth mentioning here that Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, Turkish scholar and intellectual wrote: “Our
enemies are ignorance, poverty and conflict. We shall wage a holy war against
these three enemies with the weapons of Industry, Learning and Unity.” The
Gülen movement is named after Fethullah Gülen, scholar, writer and poet
who inspired many in Turkey and abroad. The number of followers is not exactly
known. In May 2008, Gülen was listed by Foreign Policy magazine among the
top hundred public intellectuals in the world. Gülen movement
works for global peace and sees interfaith dialogue as an indispensable
component of this endeavor to the way that leads to that end. Gülen believes
that interfaith dialogue is a must today and the first step in establishing it
is to forget the past, ignore polemical arguments and give precedence to common
points which far outnumber polemical ones. Gülen mentions four fundamental
universal values that are sustained by religion to be promoted in
interreligious dialogue namely love, compassion, tolerance and forgiving.
Gülen consistently argues in favor of democracy and consolidation of democratic
process and further suggests that Islamic principles of equality,
tolerance and justice support democracy.
In
a recent Conference of Jesuits Among
Muslims in Rome (September 2011) presenting his views on this movement,
Prof Thomas Michel SJ concluded: “‘Are Gülen and the Hizmet community friends
or foes?’ I must answer that they are our friends. They are the kind of Muslim
interlocutors for an active dialogue for which we have been searching since the
time of Nostra Aetate.” His comment
helped Islamic Studies Association (ISA) to get in touch with Indilogue
Foundation run by Gülen followers in Delhi. Now ISA has begun to work together
in projects of inter-faith relations since last few months.
Dr Reeta Bagchi,
an associate professor at Jamia Hamdard University presented her reflection on
interreligious dialogue. She is one of the collaborators of Saint Francis
Xavier Movement in Delhi. She said that for a harmonious and better quality of
life there is need for a national as well as global awakening to establish a
new social order with major values of different religions, integrated with our
human life style. In such a civilization of love and mutual respect, there is
no scope for clash of civilizations and the various communities will co-operate
for the welfare of all through creative inter-faith dialogue. Today the various
issues like global warming, terrorism, poverty and women’s empowerment are
being taken unitedly rejecting the very idea of any clash in faith and
practices. Vivekananda had said -- `Bring all forces of good together, do not
care what be the color, but mix all the colors`. That is the multi-religious,
multi-cultural, multi-linguistic, multi-regional fragrance of India.
Victor Edwin,
a PhD student on Christian-Muslim Relations at the New Delhi’s Jamia Millia
Islamia, reflecting on his experiences with Muslims said that deep dialogue and
religious conversations cannot avoid serious theological questions. While
reflecting on possible responses, he came to realize that one should keep within
the teaching of the Church so that one’s responses remain Catholic, while being
aware of the complexities of the history of Christian-Muslim interactions.
Sensitive responses can be developed only if the person doing dialogue is
gifted with a heart that listens and discerns and a mind that is aware of the history of
Christian-Muslim relations.
He
affirmed that polemics should never find a place in our dialogue. In the past
it has only generated heat and never shed light. And in future polemics is not
going to be different. Polemics was a model that generated prejudice and bias.
It should never be a model for future dialogue. In a similar vein it could be said
that compromising one’s faith in not dialogue either. If polemics represents
hard heartedness then compromise implies shallowness. In dialogue, we need to
be rooted in our
faith and remain open to the Spirit of God that is at work within
us.
He
said that it was his experience that whenever he had reached out to Muslim
friends, he always had returned enriched: a deep experience of the richness of
his own faith tradition and of the beauty of the Islamic tradition. As
Christians, he further said, we need to reach out to Muslims as our brothers
and sisters. A lot of goodwill will be generated when we meet as worshipers of
One God, who is our Creator and our Judge.
At
the heart of his mission as a Jesuit among Muslims, he said that he tries to
convey the message that he is a follower of Christ and wants to help his Muslim
friends to love Jesus and come to meet him.
As indicated in the beginning, a
deeper understanding of the dynamics of Christian-Muslim relations would be
achieved if one sees this question in the fast changing global context. Such
consideration would throw a new light on issues related with Christian-Muslim
relations and help the West to learn from the East and vice-versa. The
following two presentations that come from Prof
Ambrogio Bongiovanni and Dr Gudrun
Löwner reflects this particular understanding.
Prof Bongiovanni’s presentation considered the historical, sociological and anthropological issues connected with
Christian Muslim relations in Italy. He said that the Catholic
Church made many efforts in this field at grass root level and at official
levels to help the believers and society to take initiatives for dialogue with
the Muslims. Many results can be observed in many places of the country. He
said: “Islam is a faith marked by a change. There is an increasing number of
youth expressing more and more willingness to be integrated and be part of a
globalized and pluralistic world.” He affirmed that problems concerning the
integration of Muslims in the Italian society have to be solved by both
communities. He suggested that the
Italian society should overcome the “obsessions” about each other (West against
Islam and vice versa) and concentrate on intercultural and interreligious
formation for co-existence. Interreligious dialogue is the need of the hour, he
affirmed.
In her paper “Islam in
Germany: the success story of Dawa in Germany” Dr Löwner gave a lucid picture of
Muslims in Germany. She pointed out that Islam is not a monolithic group in
Germany. They reflect the differences that they bring with them from their
lands of origin. One in every eleven persons living in Germany is a Muslim, she
said, so that German society is becoming a multi-religious and multi-cultural
society. This change from a predominant Christian society will not happen
without fears. She said: “… the growth of Buddhism and Hinduism is not
understood as threats. However, there are many complex problems associated with
the establishment of Islam as a permanent religion in Germany.” She noted two
issues related with minarets and the head-scarf. Minarets and the head-scarf
symbolically announce that Muslims are no more guest workers, and that through
their permanent presence Islam has come to stay in Germany. This is unsettling
though unavoidable. Demography has changed and will continue to change in the
times to come. How does one deal with a multi- religious and multi-cultural
society? India has integrated the differences and presented them, to put it
metaphorically, as a salad bowl or as a mosaic. Everyone has a place of honor
in the integral vision of India as one country. The diversity is preserved
neither by pushing the religious and cultural differences to private sphere nor
reducing them into a melting pot. This Eastern wisdom may give a clue for the
West to deal with their changing cultural milieu.
FRUITS
These
exchanges are beautiful examples of Christians and Muslims reaching out to one another. They underline the importance of
mutual understanding and the need to work together for justice and peace in the
world. While reaching out to the other they will learn and discover afresh the
other. The pre-judgments and prejudices
will vanish and personal relationships established.
It was
very revealing for the Christian participants to realize that Muslims
constantly interpret Islam in new and refreshing ways. Their interpretation is
deeply rooted in the foundational sources of Islam, the Qur’an and Hadith. The Gülen Movement (Turkey) and Al Risala
Movement (India) with which Mr Favad and Prof Khannam, speakers of our Seminar,
are associated are very important movements that remain encouraging examples of
this trend. The signs of the times demand both Christians and Muslims to reach
out to one another.
The
papers from the India and Europe clearly showed that learning from one another
is crucial for a sane world. The
discussion helped the participants to recognize that the West is marked by the
flames of Enlightenment and the East is marked by rays of Wisdom and both need
to complement one another for life in the global village. The secular
perspective from the West was missing in the seminar proceedings and that was
one of the weaknesses of the seminar.
The participants recognized:
·
Every
religion is unique and need to be respected for its unique history and
traditions. Both Christians and Muslims
should listen to one another and understand the way in which they explain their
faith. Listening to the other marks the
starting of a genuine dialogue. In this dialogical way we grow and contribute
to world peace and to the well being of all communities.
The participants learnt:
·
There is
a lot of good will across religious boundaries. We need to build bridges across
to live a connected life.
·
Both the
East and the West need to share and learn from one another.
·
A lot of
intercultural and inter-faith exchanges happen at the global level. These
exchanges should be multiplied at local levels.
·
We need
to search for partners in dialogue. Many people of good will are found everywhere.
·
Dialogue
is a way of life. It must be lived consciously.
SUICIDE
BOMBERS
Paul
Jackson, S.J.
A
request to put “suicide bombers” in context got me thinking. Possibly a more
accurate expression of what my friend had in mind would be “Muslim Suicide
Bombers.” This will be my topic. It might be helpful to go back to the
beginning, much like the first words of the Bible – “In the beginning...” The
setting of our story is early seventh-century Arabia, with special reference to
Medina, which is 400 kilometres north of Mecca, where Muslims situate the
beginnings of what is believed to be the Word of God – the Quran. The initial
revelations took place there between 610 and 622. Muhammad was accepted as a
prophet and became the religious leader of his band of followers. By 622 they
were compelled to leave Mecca. Muhammad responded to the invitation of a group
of delegates from the faction-ridden town of Medina and went there as an arbitrator,
where he became the political leader, in addition to being an acknowledged
prophet and religious leader.
This
influx of refugees meant that arrangements had to be made to look after them. A
time-honoured source of income for the Arabs of the region was to raid and loot
caravans. Muhammad also resorted to this practice. In his earliest extant
biography, translated as The Life of
Muhammad by Guillaume, it is instructive to read about the first six
recorded raids. Muhammad himself led three of them, but did not go on the other
three. The only fighting recorded was that one arrow was shot. Sometimes no
caravan was found. On one occasion a caravan with a very large contingent of
guards was spotted. It was not attacked, as it would have been too dangerous to
do so. The ideal situation was to encounter a caravan with a smaller contingent
of guards than the attacking force. A skirmish would take place. Some of the
fighters would get wounded. The guards could then honourably surrender and
boast about how bravely they had resisted the large force of attackers, and
have some wounds to prove it. The attackers would then depart with the
confiscated goods. The aim was clearly to rob, not to kill, but the honour of
those attacked had to be preserved.
“Death
before dishonour” was no empty slogan for the Arabs of Muhammad’s time. It
expressed the core of an Arab’s identity. Wounds inflicted during battles were
much like the injuries sustained by modern sportsmen, but with the added halo
of being “marks of honour.” In Arab society of the period poets fulfilled the
role of the media of our own days. We know how the media can deal with
individuals or groups. For example, while the Indian cricket team was on a
winning run the Indian media presented Dhoni, the captain, as a world-class
sportsman. Now, after the England and Australia fiascos, he is being roundly
condemned. His hefty bank balance will undoubtedly cushion the blow to his
pride! The Arab, on the contrary, had few possessions. His greatest treasure
was his honour. That had to be safeguarded at all costs. This meant he could
not do anything that would expose him to the ridicule of the poets. That was
something he could not bear! Muhammad clearly understood this when he led a
large group of his unarmed followers on pilgrimage from Medina back to Mecca. A
large band of fully armed Meccans rode out to meet them. They could easily have
killed them, but that would have exposed them to the taunts and ridicule of all
the poets of Arabia. That was not an acceptable option for honourable Arabs!
Negotiations took place, and a compromise was reached.
After
the death of Muhammad in 632 Abu Bakr was elected as the new religious and
political leader, but was not considered a prophet. As a method of dealing with
tribal factionalism Abu Bakr sent armies on external missions. These Arab
warriors were still imbued with their hallmark sense of honour. Their conquests
brought them much booty, but there was now the added dimension of being
instrumental in spreading God’s kingdom, as embodied in Islam. If a soldier was
killed while trying to do so, he would be a – ghazi – a man who was killed while fighting for God’s cause. God
would naturally reward him with the joys of paradise, as delineated in the
Quran, and embellished by Tradition. The aspects of personal honour, quest for
booty, and spreading Islam coalesced to form a powerful motivating force to
fight bravely, yet honourably. This meant killing only those who fought against
them. There was no question of killing unarmed civilians, women or children.
Moreover, although it was clearly recognized that some attacks were so
dangerous they could be termed ’suicidal,’ yet the actual killing was done by
the enemy. There was not even a concept of our modern “suicide bomber,” where a
Muslim kills himself or herself as a means of killing others. Moreover, these
‘others’ are nowadays usually ordinary citizens – mostly Muslims – going about
their normal activities such as shopping in the bazaar, praying together or
joining in a funeral procession. Clearly, nothing in the early formative period
of Islam can be adduced as a precedent for this contemporary practice.
It
is instructive to take a closer look at the word ghazi. Platts gives the first meaning as “One who engages in a
warring expedition.” This focuses our attention on the act of fighting in a
battle. Its emphasis is on fighting courageously, and so the word also became
used to denote a conquering hero. Perhaps the religious connotation is best
gleaned from the recorded exhortation of the Prophet in 623 at the beginning of
the battle of Badr: “By God, in whose hand is the soul of Muhammad, no man will
be slain this day fighting against them (the Meccans) with steadfast courage,
advancing and not retreating, but God will cause him to enter Paradise.” If we
look at another word in the same dictionary, shahid, we read “A witness; one who is slain in the cause of Islam;
a martyr.” It is interesting to note that the basic meaning of the Arabic root
of the word shahid is “to bear
witness.” If we look up the Greek verb underlining our common English word,
‘martyr,’ we find that it also means “to bear witness.” It is the current word
for a martyr in both Hindi and Urdu.
A
subtle shift underlines this change. Attacks on caravans in Arab society were
not for any ‘cause,’ but purely and simply for material gain. Implicit in the
whole process, however, was the felt need to safeguard one’s honour. The main
aim of the suicide bomber, on the other hand, is ideological. In its purest
form, the suicidal attack means striking a blow for the cause of Islam. All
other considerations, including rational discourse, are considered of secondary
importance. For example, by what stretch of the imagination or rational
thinking can a suicide bomber’s attack which kills about forty Muslims gathered
to shop in a bazaar, pray in a mosque, or participate in a funeral procession,
be regarded as a blow “for the cause of Islam?” It goes against all the tenets
of Islam, as briefly indicated earlier on. It also negates the clear prohibition
of suicide. It is worth recalling that this discussion is about the ‘purest’
form of suicide bombing, not about its clear sectarian or political
manifestations, although these are not necessarily excluded in any particular
attacks.
The
sad thing is that the actual bombers consider themselves to be martyrs in the
cause of Islam, destined for the delights of Paradise, if men, or to become
“pure angels,” if women – as one apprehended female suicide bomber expressed
it. The cold, calculating ‘handlers’ of such people have shed all vestiges of
humanity and concern for others, even for their Muslim compatriots, not to
mention the brain-washed bombers themselves. They have their personal agendas,
but seek justification for sending young people out to certain death, as well
as the deaths of many innocent people, by taking refuge in the notion of
‘victimhood.’ They project themselves as ‘victims’ who have a God-given right
to adopt any form of protest against their imagined victimization. It is
instructive to ask a simple question concerning the media portrayal of attacks
by suicide bombers: “Is the focus on the identity of the bombers and their
alleged grievances, or on the victims, so cruelly deprived of life or limb?” A
prominent ‘victim’ would be considered worthy of news coverage, but ordinary
citizens would be considered simply as one more victim contributing to the
total number. Shock and grief lay hold of the victims’ families and friends,
but the media scarcely ever give their names, let alone a description of them.
Both handlers and perpetrators milk their own claimed ‘victimhood’ for all it
is worth, yet ignore the very real victims of their own suicidal attacks.
Underpinning
their claim to sympathetic understanding, if not downright approval, is the
ultimate origin and focus of all Christian sympathy for victims, namely, the
reality of the Crucified Jesus. We need not dwell on the Passion of Jesus, from
the heart-rending struggle in Gethsemane to the agony on the cross, to realize
that He was a victim of human cruelty and injustice. Christians, however,
believe that this is not the ultimate reality of what their senses can grasp.
They believe that the pierced heart of Jesus is symbolic of the life-bestowing
love of the heart of Jesus. “God so loved the world that He gave His only Son
that everyone who believes in him may not perish but may have eternal life”
(John 3:16). This death that leads to life is in stark contrast to a death that
leads to further death!
Christians and Muslims a year since the start of the Arab
spring
Samir Khalil Samir SJ
Samir Khalil Samir SJ
Everything
began a year ago when a young Tunisian, Mohammed Buazizi, fed up by poverty and
police humiliation, set himself on fire. It was 15 December, and like a
wildfire on a dry prairie, his sacrifice burnt its way from country to country.
It all happened because the Arab world is going through tough times. People
felt pain and wanted change. All they needed was spark for the fire to start.
The Arab revolution spread unevenly, depending on the country. In some countries, people were better prepared. In Tunisia, people are stronger and more mature and their former regime did allow protest from time to time. Where the regime was completely dictatorial, as in Libya, an external intervention was necessary. In the Syrian case, the situation is even more complex and it is unclear whether a solution will be found or not.
In some countries, like Jordan, very little happened, probably because their situation is not as bad as elsewhere. In others, nothing happened because population is largely uniformed; for instance, oil-rich Saudi Arabia, where people live well but do not know what are human rights, freedom and equality.
The Arab world and its needs
In any case, unrest this year in the Arab world was caused by the fact that people’s needs are not met. The first and foremost need or reason is poverty, which affects a good part of the population. However, the revolution was not their doing for they live in such grim conditions that the idea of revolution would not have crossed their mind. Others carried it out and they joined in, as in Egypt where 40 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line. In Tunisia, the young man who set himself on fire was desperate because of poverty and unemployment.
The second reason is the dismal level of youth unemployment. In our culture, the inability to start out in life is a source of humiliation. Unemployment means the inability of forming a family. In Europe, reaching the age of 30 without one’s own family is not a tragedy. In our countries, people start to think about creating their own family at the age of 20 with the expectation that they would have it by 25. But if you are jobless, that is impossible. In our countries, a man must be able to buy a house; a woman must bring the furniture. However, if they are unemployed, they cannot get marry and that is humiliating.
The third reason is ethical. It is the lack of dignity and freedom to express one’s opinions as well as the level of inequality. This is especially true for intellectuals as well as the middle classes. Other forms of discrimination, not necessarily religious, also play a role.
Finally, television brings the rest of the world into people’s living rooms. People feel backward compared to others and wonder why it is so. At the same time, they hear that the president, the minister and others are billionaires. All this creates a sense of injustice, which felt as something quite personal.
All this created a sense of frustration that led to the uprising.
The Arab revolution spread unevenly, depending on the country. In some countries, people were better prepared. In Tunisia, people are stronger and more mature and their former regime did allow protest from time to time. Where the regime was completely dictatorial, as in Libya, an external intervention was necessary. In the Syrian case, the situation is even more complex and it is unclear whether a solution will be found or not.
In some countries, like Jordan, very little happened, probably because their situation is not as bad as elsewhere. In others, nothing happened because population is largely uniformed; for instance, oil-rich Saudi Arabia, where people live well but do not know what are human rights, freedom and equality.
The Arab world and its needs
In any case, unrest this year in the Arab world was caused by the fact that people’s needs are not met. The first and foremost need or reason is poverty, which affects a good part of the population. However, the revolution was not their doing for they live in such grim conditions that the idea of revolution would not have crossed their mind. Others carried it out and they joined in, as in Egypt where 40 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line. In Tunisia, the young man who set himself on fire was desperate because of poverty and unemployment.
The second reason is the dismal level of youth unemployment. In our culture, the inability to start out in life is a source of humiliation. Unemployment means the inability of forming a family. In Europe, reaching the age of 30 without one’s own family is not a tragedy. In our countries, people start to think about creating their own family at the age of 20 with the expectation that they would have it by 25. But if you are jobless, that is impossible. In our countries, a man must be able to buy a house; a woman must bring the furniture. However, if they are unemployed, they cannot get marry and that is humiliating.
The third reason is ethical. It is the lack of dignity and freedom to express one’s opinions as well as the level of inequality. This is especially true for intellectuals as well as the middle classes. Other forms of discrimination, not necessarily religious, also play a role.
Finally, television brings the rest of the world into people’s living rooms. People feel backward compared to others and wonder why it is so. At the same time, they hear that the president, the minister and others are billionaires. All this creates a sense of injustice, which felt as something quite personal.
All this created a sense of frustration that led to the uprising.
Islamist victory
Initially, the movement began spontaneously, from the grassroots. It had no real leadership and today we can see its consequences. Those who made the revolution did not reap the fruit of victory. They enabled others, who were better organised, to benefit for their work. It was such a setback, that some are already saying that it “wasn’t worth the trouble”.
I remain confident. Even though Islamists won, this step was necessary because it allowed other priorities different from theirs to come to the fore. Dignity, jobs, freedom, equality and democracy, were the reasons behind the youth-led revolution, not religion.
It is true that Islamists can now wield power. Now they can show that “Al-Islâm huwa l-hall!”, that “Islam is the solution” for everything. They will have to demonstrate that an Islamic system will solve the problems of unemployment, education, equality, democracy, finances, etc.
For the first time since the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Islamists will exercise political power. It will be an important occasion to see in what areas they can provide concrete answers to real problems and in what they will not. It is also will be an important to see what type of Sharia they will implement, whether it will that of Saudi Arabia, where a woman was beheaded on witchcraft charges, that of Iran, which is blocking the country’s development, or some other versions. As for us, our view will depend on results.
What is certain though is that Islamists, especially Salafists, are using the Arab spring to impose their version of Islam. This was brought home to Tunisia (when they tried to impose the niqâb on women at Manouba University, the country’s best known institution of higher learning, and open a mosque near the campus) and Egypt (when many churches were attacked, crosses destroyed and soldiers assaulted women, leading to last Tuesday’s demonstration).
Education for democracy
In Egypt, the massive electoral victory (60 per cent) of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists now means that the former will have to prove that they deserve the electorate’s confidence.
Their victory was inevitable. After 60 years of military rule, the democracy was but a faded memory. Yet, more than 50 per cent of the electorate came out to vote, and that is positive. The turnout in past elections did not go above 5-7 per cent. Egyptians refrained from voting knowing that the outcome had already been fixed. Under Nasser, the ruling party won 95 per cent of the vote with 5 per cent of voters casting their ballot.
Tunisia is a special case. Turnout in its recent election was at least 80 per cent. This is a sign that people are interested in politics and are prepared to participate.
Now it is time for young people to organise. Their societies and the rest of the world have taken the Arab Revolution seriously. But they need to plan and achieve unity; otherwise, all is lost. Unlike Tunisia, young people created dozens of parties in Egypt, splitting the vote and so they lost the advantage they had.
The ‘Egyptian Bloc’, a liberal party open to Christians and Muslims alike founded by billionaire Copt Naguib Sawiris, won 17 per cent of the vote. It is not much, but it is something.
This shows there is hope for the future. The movement must raise awareness among Egyptians about what is at stake. In addition to the economy, which is doing badly, it must focus on education. Egypt is particularly backward compared to other Arab countries. Its illiteracy rate is around 40 per cent (especially among women) and the quality of education is poor. This is why people vote according to religious affiliation rather than political analysis.
Despite attacks against churches, Christian-Muslim solidarity has given rise to a certain sensibility and movement for equality, hitherto impossible. Although minimal given the efforts, this is something positive.
The situation in Syria
Syria is where people realise the most what is at stake. Until recently, the Assad regime had appeared very stable. Now that situation is very serious and difficult. Information about is happening inside the country remains unclear. The bishop of Aleppo recently told me to be weary because what is said outside the country is different from what is said inside.
Nonetheless, some new things are emerging. For the first time, the Arab League took a clear position. It suspended Syria from the organisation and agreed to sanctions and more.
Of course, the League’s position is somewhat ambiguous. Syria is an ally of Iran, a predominantly Shia country, whilst the Arab League is almost entirely Sunni. The Arab League’s threats against Syria might thus be motivated more by this opposition than by love for the revolution. Whatever the case may be, Syrians for the past nine months have been willing to give their life to change the situation, and this is a truly new fact.
Syria has distinct problems, those of a totalitarian power structure facing an unarmed population. Neighbouring Arab countries are said to be providing financial aid to the rebels, but a Syrian or Arab mediator is needed; otherwise, there will be destruction.
For the first time, Turkey has come to the defence of Syrian rebels. Perhaps, it has its own hegemonic goals or maybe it is acting to meet its obligations as a Western ally. Or perhaps Turkey might want to promote itself as a model of moderate Islamic nation, despite its own less than stellar human rights record.
The situation in other countries
The future is uncertain in Libya. Islamist ideas are being articulated, but the country’s main problem is how to reconcile its many tribes so that they work together for its development. With industry still in its infancy, it is unclear whether it can move forwards.
Saudi Arabia did not experience any uprising (since it was nipped in the bud by the military), but people still want some change.
By contrast, in countries like Yemen and Bahrain, a revolution did take place, leading to some significant changes. Neither can ever be the same.
Morocco too saw some volatility but no revolution. Fear was sufficient to initiate some social reforms. Even before this, the kingdom had modified its family law (Mudawwanah), giving women more legal rights.
All this suggests that people in the Arab world are seeking their own path.
What about Christians?
In general, Christians fear that Islamists will hijack the revolution. They, especially Salafists, scare us. A danger does exist, but cooperation with others is the only possibility to get the most from the situation. We should not be afraid. Naturally, working with the Islamists will be hard, but some Islamists have political plans and a desire to overcome their country’s backwardness. We must remain watchful to show them when they cross certain limits, when they violate certain rights, etc.
Dialogue is possible and useful on certain social issues. It is time we help and support each other, and show more solidarity towards non-Christians, and vice versa. It is time to work together against illiteracy, poverty, disease, etc. In the field of education and health care, Christians have already shown their generosity and professionalism towards everyone, Christian or Muslim. I think it is possible to work together with most people.
At the same time, we must defend justice, freedom of conscience, the freedom to live our faith and proclaim it; this way, we can implement the principle of equality. Egyptian Muslims speak of the “best religion”, an idea that finds application in the legal field. And of course, by best they mean Islam. For us, that is unacceptable.
Other forms of discriminations exist (men vs. women, rich vs. poor), and we must work against all of them, because they are contrary to the spirit of the Gospel.
Personally, I am not afraid of an Islamic regime. I am however concerned about intolerance. Many Muslims are also opposed to the Salafists who aim at imposing their intolerant vision of Islam (especially as it applies to women). As Christians, we cannot turn inward; instead, we must work with all those who are fighting for a society that respects human rights.
Initially, the movement began spontaneously, from the grassroots. It had no real leadership and today we can see its consequences. Those who made the revolution did not reap the fruit of victory. They enabled others, who were better organised, to benefit for their work. It was such a setback, that some are already saying that it “wasn’t worth the trouble”.
I remain confident. Even though Islamists won, this step was necessary because it allowed other priorities different from theirs to come to the fore. Dignity, jobs, freedom, equality and democracy, were the reasons behind the youth-led revolution, not religion.
It is true that Islamists can now wield power. Now they can show that “Al-Islâm huwa l-hall!”, that “Islam is the solution” for everything. They will have to demonstrate that an Islamic system will solve the problems of unemployment, education, equality, democracy, finances, etc.
For the first time since the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Islamists will exercise political power. It will be an important occasion to see in what areas they can provide concrete answers to real problems and in what they will not. It is also will be an important to see what type of Sharia they will implement, whether it will that of Saudi Arabia, where a woman was beheaded on witchcraft charges, that of Iran, which is blocking the country’s development, or some other versions. As for us, our view will depend on results.
What is certain though is that Islamists, especially Salafists, are using the Arab spring to impose their version of Islam. This was brought home to Tunisia (when they tried to impose the niqâb on women at Manouba University, the country’s best known institution of higher learning, and open a mosque near the campus) and Egypt (when many churches were attacked, crosses destroyed and soldiers assaulted women, leading to last Tuesday’s demonstration).
Education for democracy
In Egypt, the massive electoral victory (60 per cent) of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists now means that the former will have to prove that they deserve the electorate’s confidence.
Their victory was inevitable. After 60 years of military rule, the democracy was but a faded memory. Yet, more than 50 per cent of the electorate came out to vote, and that is positive. The turnout in past elections did not go above 5-7 per cent. Egyptians refrained from voting knowing that the outcome had already been fixed. Under Nasser, the ruling party won 95 per cent of the vote with 5 per cent of voters casting their ballot.
Tunisia is a special case. Turnout in its recent election was at least 80 per cent. This is a sign that people are interested in politics and are prepared to participate.
Now it is time for young people to organise. Their societies and the rest of the world have taken the Arab Revolution seriously. But they need to plan and achieve unity; otherwise, all is lost. Unlike Tunisia, young people created dozens of parties in Egypt, splitting the vote and so they lost the advantage they had.
The ‘Egyptian Bloc’, a liberal party open to Christians and Muslims alike founded by billionaire Copt Naguib Sawiris, won 17 per cent of the vote. It is not much, but it is something.
This shows there is hope for the future. The movement must raise awareness among Egyptians about what is at stake. In addition to the economy, which is doing badly, it must focus on education. Egypt is particularly backward compared to other Arab countries. Its illiteracy rate is around 40 per cent (especially among women) and the quality of education is poor. This is why people vote according to religious affiliation rather than political analysis.
Despite attacks against churches, Christian-Muslim solidarity has given rise to a certain sensibility and movement for equality, hitherto impossible. Although minimal given the efforts, this is something positive.
The situation in Syria
Syria is where people realise the most what is at stake. Until recently, the Assad regime had appeared very stable. Now that situation is very serious and difficult. Information about is happening inside the country remains unclear. The bishop of Aleppo recently told me to be weary because what is said outside the country is different from what is said inside.
Nonetheless, some new things are emerging. For the first time, the Arab League took a clear position. It suspended Syria from the organisation and agreed to sanctions and more.
Of course, the League’s position is somewhat ambiguous. Syria is an ally of Iran, a predominantly Shia country, whilst the Arab League is almost entirely Sunni. The Arab League’s threats against Syria might thus be motivated more by this opposition than by love for the revolution. Whatever the case may be, Syrians for the past nine months have been willing to give their life to change the situation, and this is a truly new fact.
Syria has distinct problems, those of a totalitarian power structure facing an unarmed population. Neighbouring Arab countries are said to be providing financial aid to the rebels, but a Syrian or Arab mediator is needed; otherwise, there will be destruction.
For the first time, Turkey has come to the defence of Syrian rebels. Perhaps, it has its own hegemonic goals or maybe it is acting to meet its obligations as a Western ally. Or perhaps Turkey might want to promote itself as a model of moderate Islamic nation, despite its own less than stellar human rights record.
The situation in other countries
The future is uncertain in Libya. Islamist ideas are being articulated, but the country’s main problem is how to reconcile its many tribes so that they work together for its development. With industry still in its infancy, it is unclear whether it can move forwards.
Saudi Arabia did not experience any uprising (since it was nipped in the bud by the military), but people still want some change.
By contrast, in countries like Yemen and Bahrain, a revolution did take place, leading to some significant changes. Neither can ever be the same.
Morocco too saw some volatility but no revolution. Fear was sufficient to initiate some social reforms. Even before this, the kingdom had modified its family law (Mudawwanah), giving women more legal rights.
All this suggests that people in the Arab world are seeking their own path.
What about Christians?
In general, Christians fear that Islamists will hijack the revolution. They, especially Salafists, scare us. A danger does exist, but cooperation with others is the only possibility to get the most from the situation. We should not be afraid. Naturally, working with the Islamists will be hard, but some Islamists have political plans and a desire to overcome their country’s backwardness. We must remain watchful to show them when they cross certain limits, when they violate certain rights, etc.
Dialogue is possible and useful on certain social issues. It is time we help and support each other, and show more solidarity towards non-Christians, and vice versa. It is time to work together against illiteracy, poverty, disease, etc. In the field of education and health care, Christians have already shown their generosity and professionalism towards everyone, Christian or Muslim. I think it is possible to work together with most people.
At the same time, we must defend justice, freedom of conscience, the freedom to live our faith and proclaim it; this way, we can implement the principle of equality. Egyptian Muslims speak of the “best religion”, an idea that finds application in the legal field. And of course, by best they mean Islam. For us, that is unacceptable.
Other forms of discriminations exist (men vs. women, rich vs. poor), and we must work against all of them, because they are contrary to the spirit of the Gospel.
Personally, I am not afraid of an Islamic regime. I am however concerned about intolerance. Many Muslims are also opposed to the Salafists who aim at imposing their intolerant vision of Islam (especially as it applies to women). As Christians, we cannot turn inward; instead, we must work with all those who are fighting for a society that respects human rights.
The Arab spring from a Christian perspective
Because they fear of the future, Christians tend to prefer regimes that are already in place. Such regimes are dictatorial in nature and that is a sin. If the government engages in violence, we must say that we are against violence, whatever its source, whether the opposition, ordinary citizens or the military.
We must say that we are for freedom, but not the excess of freedom that is bringing ruin to the West. We must be for equality and justice, for Christians and Muslims, for men and women. Now is the time for Christians to engage in cultural evangelisation, which is far from proselytising.
Unfortunately, the fear of Islamism is pushing Christians to turn to the past. Most of them do not want to get involved too much in politics; they just want to live in peace. However, as a Christian, it is my right and duty to be politically active.
Given this background, we can understand the position of Syria’s bishops, who prefer the known over the unknown. However, the choice is not between good and evil, but between two evils . . . and the choice goes to the lesser of the two. Yet, our path is to say what matters.
Lastly, the West
The West has supported dictators and then ditched them. Now it is wavering. The West has been roundly criticised in Arab countries because of their reliance on countries like Saudi Arabia whose ideological foundations in the indirect source of Islamic terrorism. A country like the United States, which speaks about freedom and human rights, tends to be silent in the matter when it comes to the Saudis.
On Libya, Arabs believe the West was more interested in Libyan oil than in Libya’s freedom. In fact, it got involved only against Libya (as it did against Saddam Hussein and Iraq) and not other countries. With Syria, the West is cautious because that country plays an important geopolitical role. . . . On Syria, the West is not unified and its position is not based on clear principles and values.
I am not an idealist. I think that each country will pursue its interests first. However, since the entire Arab world is caught up in the Arab spring, it would have been better to come up with ways of how to support (or not support) these movements.
The policy towards Israel, which is one of main causes of the Mideast crisis, is an issue that leaves Arabs dismayed, especially after they saw Barack Obama do a U-turn on the same day, first backing a two-state solution and then changing his position during Netanyahu’s visit.
The same is true for his Cairo speech, which first conquered the Arab world, but was discredited months later when it became clear that his policies would not be much different from those of Bush. His credibility is now at all-time low. One has to be committed to principles in order to be a model for others.
The same is true for Europe, which is losing its religious and cultural identity. Unable to deal with its colonial past, it tries instead to hide behind a guilty conscience instead of showing that colonialism too had some value in terms of the dialogue of cultures.
In Europe, people are turning away from the local (usually Christian) religion. The relationship between Europeans and other world religions has become ambiguous. What is more, some governments appear at times to give preference to imported religions, whilst suffocating local ones. If France, for instance, denies is historical Catholic identity, it will not be able to deal with other religions. De facto, a form of schizophrenia has evolved, ranging from the secularisation of Christian festivities to the recognition of religions, other than Christianity.
For this reason, the Arab revolution can also help many young Westerners come to their sense. In Egypt and Syria, some people risked their lives for an ideal, that of a life of dignity, and for a whole people. How many people in Italy or Europe would be willing to do that? Courtesy: AsiaNews
Because they fear of the future, Christians tend to prefer regimes that are already in place. Such regimes are dictatorial in nature and that is a sin. If the government engages in violence, we must say that we are against violence, whatever its source, whether the opposition, ordinary citizens or the military.
We must say that we are for freedom, but not the excess of freedom that is bringing ruin to the West. We must be for equality and justice, for Christians and Muslims, for men and women. Now is the time for Christians to engage in cultural evangelisation, which is far from proselytising.
Unfortunately, the fear of Islamism is pushing Christians to turn to the past. Most of them do not want to get involved too much in politics; they just want to live in peace. However, as a Christian, it is my right and duty to be politically active.
Given this background, we can understand the position of Syria’s bishops, who prefer the known over the unknown. However, the choice is not between good and evil, but between two evils . . . and the choice goes to the lesser of the two. Yet, our path is to say what matters.
Lastly, the West
The West has supported dictators and then ditched them. Now it is wavering. The West has been roundly criticised in Arab countries because of their reliance on countries like Saudi Arabia whose ideological foundations in the indirect source of Islamic terrorism. A country like the United States, which speaks about freedom and human rights, tends to be silent in the matter when it comes to the Saudis.
On Libya, Arabs believe the West was more interested in Libyan oil than in Libya’s freedom. In fact, it got involved only against Libya (as it did against Saddam Hussein and Iraq) and not other countries. With Syria, the West is cautious because that country plays an important geopolitical role. . . . On Syria, the West is not unified and its position is not based on clear principles and values.
I am not an idealist. I think that each country will pursue its interests first. However, since the entire Arab world is caught up in the Arab spring, it would have been better to come up with ways of how to support (or not support) these movements.
The policy towards Israel, which is one of main causes of the Mideast crisis, is an issue that leaves Arabs dismayed, especially after they saw Barack Obama do a U-turn on the same day, first backing a two-state solution and then changing his position during Netanyahu’s visit.
The same is true for his Cairo speech, which first conquered the Arab world, but was discredited months later when it became clear that his policies would not be much different from those of Bush. His credibility is now at all-time low. One has to be committed to principles in order to be a model for others.
The same is true for Europe, which is losing its religious and cultural identity. Unable to deal with its colonial past, it tries instead to hide behind a guilty conscience instead of showing that colonialism too had some value in terms of the dialogue of cultures.
In Europe, people are turning away from the local (usually Christian) religion. The relationship between Europeans and other world religions has become ambiguous. What is more, some governments appear at times to give preference to imported religions, whilst suffocating local ones. If France, for instance, denies is historical Catholic identity, it will not be able to deal with other religions. De facto, a form of schizophrenia has evolved, ranging from the secularisation of Christian festivities to the recognition of religions, other than Christianity.
For this reason, the Arab revolution can also help many young Westerners come to their sense. In Egypt and Syria, some people risked their lives for an ideal, that of a life of dignity, and for a whole people. How many people in Italy or Europe would be willing to do that? Courtesy: AsiaNews
What is happening in Syria?
Mar Musa or Deir Mar Musa al-Habashi literally
The Monastery of Saint Moses the Abyssinian is a monastic community Syriac
Catholic rite, situated near the town of Nabk, approximately 80 kilometers
north of Damascus. Paolo Dall’Oglio SJ
is the leader of this community and Sebastien
Duhaut is an inmate of the monastery. Both Paolo and Sebastien tell Victor Edwin SJ about the present
situation in Syria for Jivan. It is reprinted from Jivan.
Edwin: Kindly tell us the context in which the protests are taking place
and the effect on Syria and its secular credentials?
Dall’Oglio: The current protests are a logical
extension of the movement for democracy that is currently sweeping the Arabic
world, from Tunisia to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan, etc. They are also
in line with past movements in Syria itself (Muslim brothers’ revolt in 1982,
"Damascus spring" in 2000, etc.).
Syria has a long history of nationalist
anti-imperialist positions. A part of its territory, the Golan, is still
occupied by Israel, and obviously no peace treaty could be signed in those
conditions (unlike Egypt or Jordan). Moreover, Syria supports the militant
groups that defend the Palestinian cause (Hamas, Hezbollah). Last but not
least, it has until now kept and even strengthened its alliance with Iran, the
stronghold of resistance to Western strategic interests in the region. This
proximity with the Shiite Islamic Republic of Iran also has a religious
dimension, since the Alawites in power in Syria are a particular Shiite group.
Although this stance has earned the Syrian regime some support in its population and in the Arabic/Muslim audience, it does not at all immunize it against demands for political freedom, transparent elections and respect of human rights.
Although this stance has earned the Syrian regime some support in its population and in the Arabic/Muslim audience, it does not at all immunize it against demands for political freedom, transparent elections and respect of human rights.
The geostrategic situation of the region is very
complex and it is almost impossible to make predictions. Nearly all the actors,
at the regional and global levels, are involved in the local developments. So
far, there are Arabic Sunni actors (Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other Gulf
countries, the Muslim brothers of Egypt and Jordan, the Hamas in Gaza, the
Hariri group in Beirut, the Arabic Sunnis in Iraq…), non-Arabic Sunnis (mostly
in Turkey, but also the Kurds), Shiites (Iran, Lebanese Hezbollah, the new
Iraqi regime), the West (US, Europe) and the other powers (Russia, China,
Brazil, etc.). The most important negotiation is between Turkey and Iran.
So, how much Syria would be able to keep its
secular credentials depends very much on the positions of neighbors and
partners. A divided Syria would be more extreme in all its attitudes.
Edwin: Is there a fear among Syrians that Islamists or Islamist-leaning
figures are taking over power?
Dall’Oglio: The fear does exist, especially among
religious minorities: Christians, but also (and sometimes to a greater extent)
among the heterodox Islamic communities such as Alawites, Druzes, Ismailis,
etc.
Fundamentalist Islam (salafist-wahhabi) exists in Syria, but represents a small minority. The Muslim Brotherhood is far more popular, but should not be immediately labeled as “extremist”.
Fundamentalist Islam (salafist-wahhabi) exists in Syria, but represents a small minority. The Muslim Brotherhood is far more popular, but should not be immediately labeled as “extremist”.
The fear of a political Islam has long been used
by the Syrian authorities to justify a strong system of repression. We should
not forget that this fear was also used by the West to justify friendship and
commercial ties with Ben Ali and Mubarak, among other Arabic dictators.
As Christian minorities in the Islamic world, we
should not be paralyzed by the phobia of a political Islam. Above all, this
worry should not lead us into supporting policies and systems that are contrary
to our ethical values.
Our long term future, inside the Muslim Umma,
depends on good neighboring attitudes, theological appreciation of other
religions and common militancy for human progress. At Mar Musa, our hopes and
prayers go towards the peaceful maturation of both Islam and Eastern
Christianity, towards promoting a full acceptance of pluralism, freedom of
conscience and dignity and rights of persons and groups.
Edwin: Are the religious minorities nervous about the future of Syria?
Dall’Oglio: Communities that have enjoyed a
privileged position during the past decades obviously do not want to lose it.
The situation is now blocked, with a symmetrical escalation in violence and
deadly clashes that occur every Friday, if not every day. In some cities, we
already see violent confrontation between people of different communities.
We all pray for peace. From Friday, September 23th, to Friday, September 30th, the monastery has organized a week of prayer and fast for reconciliation. The text of the call is available on our website: http://www.deirmarmusa.org/node/247.
We all pray for peace. From Friday, September 23th, to Friday, September 30th, the monastery has organized a week of prayer and fast for reconciliation. The text of the call is available on our website: http://www.deirmarmusa.org/node/247.
Edwin: It is said that the diversity and unity of the protesters
guarantee that Syria will not fall into sectarian conflict if the Assad regime
falls. What is your assessment?
Dall’Oglio: This is rather optimistic. But on the
ground, demonstrators and victims are mostly Sunnis, while religious minorities
tend to support the regime. This gap constitutes in itself a factor of
sectarian conflict, or even civil war. In case the regime simply “falls”,
rather than transforming and opening itself, and without an alternative in
sight, the risk of a Yugoslavian scenario should not be underestimated. Given
the geography of Syria, and the interest of other regional powers in its
breaking down, this would entail violent ethnic cleansing and finally loss of
the national unity.
Edwin: Kindly tell us about your ministry at Deir Mar Musa?
Dall’Oglio: Deir Mar Musa al-Habashi is an
ancient monastery located in the desert mountains of Qalamun. After two
centuries of abandonment and ruin, it has been restored and now harbors a
monastic community of monks and nuns, dedicated to religious dialogue with
Islam, prayer, manual work and hospitality. Many Syrians of all religions
continue to visit us, to stay with us for a few days, a few weeks or a few
months. They find here a place of serenity, tolerance and introspection.
Our mission is to encourage a self-awareness of Christianity that goes beyond mere sociological belonging and, following Jesus’ example, puts at the core openness to the other, brotherhood and forgiveness.
Our mission is to encourage a self-awareness of Christianity that goes beyond mere sociological belonging and, following Jesus’ example, puts at the core openness to the other, brotherhood and forgiveness.
Edwin: What is your message for the Jesuits in South Asia?
Dall’Oglio: I want here to stress the importance
of symbolical figures that can play a leading role in mobilizing spiritual
energies for reconciliation, peace and brotherhood. In our region,
“Middle-East” or “West Asia”, Abraham is most certainly the key-figure. He is
the one who overcomes ethnic belonging to follow, as a pilgrim, the call of
Truth. He is the common father of Muslims, Christians and Jews. That is why he
is so important to us. In Arabic, we say “Ibrahim al-Khalil” (Abraham the
friend of God), and al-Khalil has become the name of our monastic community.
We are among the founders of the Abraham Path
Initiative, a program that aims at creating a common pilgrimage of the three
faiths, crossing Turkey, Syria, Jordan and ending in the Holy Land with
Jerusalem/al-Qods and Hebron/al-Khalil, the tomb of the Patriarchs. Of course,
this idea can be the object of political-ideological manipulations or
criticism, from the various parties involved. But we remain firm in our pursuit
of a Godly inspired peace, fair and complete, based on the joy of living
together and on the appreciation of religious diversity.
Abraham, if he had lived nowadays, would have
been confronted, in this same region, by an incredible number of visas, stamps,
“security walls” and border controls! This is why he remains an inspiring,
disturbing and prophetic figure.
So I invite the Jesuits of South Asia to get
interested in this spirit of Abrahamic hospitality, to spread it and to take
part in it actively. We hope also, when peace will be established, that people
from South Asia will come to visit those countries, not only in the pattern of
Christian pilgrimage, but also in the one of Abrahamic harmony.
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